by: Vicki Abt
From Research/Penn State, Vol. 17, no. 1 (March, 1996)
f social order is not a given, if it is not encoded in our DNA,
then to some extent we are always in the process of producing
"virtual realities," some more functional than others.
Habits, routines, and institutions are the patterns that
create the "world taken for granted." Knowledge of how to behave
is contained in cultural scripts that are themselves products of
human interaction and communication about the nature of
"reality." Shame, guilt, embarrassment are controlling feelings
that arise from "speaking the unspeakable" and from violating
cultural taboos. Society is a result of its boundaries, of what
it will and won't allow.
As we watch, listen, and are entertained, TV talk shows are
rewriting our cultural scripts, altering our perceptions, our
social relationships, and our relationships to the natural world.
TV talk shows offer us a world of blurred boundaries. Cultural
distinctions between public and private, credible and incredible
witnesses, truth and falseness, good and evil, sickness and
irresponsibility, normal and abnormal, therapy and exploitation,
intimate and stranger, fragmentation and community are
manipulated and erased for our distraction and entertainment.
A community in real time and place exhibits longevity, an
interdependence based on common interests, daily concerns, mutual
obligations, norms, kinship, friendship, loyalty, and local
knowledge, and real physical structures, not just shared
information. If your neighbor's house is on fire, you are
motivated to help put it out, or at least interested in having it
put out, because you care about your neighbor and the fire is a
threat to your own house. Television talk shows create an ersatz
community, without any of the social and personal
responsibilities that are attached to real life.
Therapy as entertainment is the appeal of these shows. The
so-called hosts rely on the cynical use of the therapeutic model
for psychological sound bites. The need to educate and inform the
audience is the voiced rationale for getting the so-called guests
to give ever more titillating details of their misdeeds, or of
the misdeeds done to them by family or friends (often not on the
show).
The underlying assumption -- that most social pathology is
the result of a medical problem beyond the control of the so-called "victim" -- encourages, at least indirectly, people to
come on to these shows confessing outrageous stories of anti-social behavior to millions of strangers. Rather than being
mortified, ashamed, or trying to hide their stigma, "guests"
willingly and eagerly discuss their child molesting, sexual
quirks, and criminal records in an effort to seek "understanding"
for their particular disease.
Yet these people remain caricatures, plucked out of the
context of their real lives, unimportant except for their
entertaining problem. (In real life someone might question the
benefits of publicly confessing to people who really don't care
about you or don't have the expertise to give advice.
Exploitation, voyeurism, peeping Toms, freak shows all come to
mind.)
The central distortion that these shows propound is that
they give useful therapy to guests and useful advice to the
audience. And that they are not primarily designed to extract the
most riveting and most entertaining emotional displays from
participants. This leads to such self-serving and silly speeches
by hosts as: "I ask this question not to pry in your business but
to educate parents in our audience" (Oprah, trying to get graphic
details from a female guest who claims to have been sodomized by
her father) and "Do I understand, Lisa, that intercourse began
with your dad at age 12, and oral sex between 5 and 12? Do I
understand that you were beaten before and after the sexual
encounters? (Phil, reading from prepared notes, to a crying
teenager).
he audience at various points in the hour has a chance to
get on television too. Their questions are often rude by
conventional standards and reinforce the host's requests for more
potentially entertaining details. Their advice ranges from merely
simplistic, under the circumstances, to misleading and erroneous.
For example, in a recent Sally Jessy Raphael Show entitled "When
Your Best Friend Is Sleeping With Your Father," the daughters on
stage were advised to "just love them both and accept the
situation."
The most problematic part of this is the generally
nonjudgmental tenor of the dialogue. Society's conventions are
flouted with impunity, and the hidden message is that the way to
get on television is to be as outrageous and antisocial as
possible.
The 20 million home viewers have no direct contact,
physically, with the social situation in the studio. Home viewers
can be listening to people recounting concentration camp horrors
while popping a frozen dinner into the microwave. The ordinary,
everyday world of the home audience is made bizarre by the
contrasting tales of horror and woe they are only half listening
to.
The viewer has two basic options: He or she can, like the
hero of Nathanael West's tragic Miss Lonelyhearts, go crazy
listening to these stories of hideous pain and pathology. Or he
or she must become inured, apathetic, or amused, or, to use the
darkly delicious German word schadenfreude, he or she may get a
deep sense of glee at another's misfortunes. People come into
view, talk, cry, disappear, and in between we watch the
commercials for consumer products that promise to improve our
lives.
Edward Albee's Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf? revolves around
the seemingly out-of-place confessions by a husband and wife of
their most private life together to two guests in their home who
are virtual strangers. Traditional expectations of polite
formalities and barriers are constantly breached within the
action of the play. The husband, at one point says, "Aww, that
was nice, I think we've been having a, a real good evening, all
things considered. We've sat around, and got to know each other,
and had fun and games . . ."
Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, however disconcerting to
the audience, is just a play with actors. Television talk shows
are arenas for real people. Their manipulation by "hosts," who
alternate between mocking, a patronizing cynicism ("I want to be
as smart as you someday" -- Phil), and a carefully constructed
verisimilitude of caring ("Thank you for sharing that with us" --
Oprah) must have repercussions for the "guests" after the show is
over. These people may really be seeking help or understanding.
Appropriate reactions seem virtually impossible under the
circumstances. We the viewing audience have entertained ourselves
at the disasters of real lives.
This is one of the more shameless aspects of the talk show
spectacle. As passive witnesses, we consume others' misfortunes
without feeling any responsibility to do anything to intervene.
Vicki Abt, Ph.D., is professor of sociology and American studies,
Penn State Ogontz, 1600 Woodland Road, Abington, PA 19001;
215-881-7300. This essay was adapted from "The Shameless World of
Phil, Sally, and Oprah: Television Talk Shows and the
Deconstructing of Society" by Abt and Mel Seesholtz, assistant
professor of English at Penn State Ogontz, in the Journal of
Popular Culture, Vol. 28, No. 1, Summer 1994. With Leonard
Mustazza, professor of English and American Studies at Penn State
Ogontz, Abt has written TV's Toxic Talk: Show and Tell and Other
Media Game, forthcoming from Duke University Press.